Cornell Clinic Analysis: Trump White House NDAs are likely unconstitutional

Note: A version of this post originally appeared on Cornell University’s Cornell Chronicle website.

The nondisclosure agreements (NDAs) that President Donald Trump has required many White House employees to sign — unlike any previous administration — are likely unconstitutional, according to an analysis by Cornell Law School’s First Amendment Clinic.

A civil lawsuit filed Oct. 12 by the Department of Justice — against Stephanie Winston Wolkoff, a former unpaid aide to First Lady Melania Trump and author of a tell-all book — marks the administration’s first attempt to enforce one of the NDAs.

The case exposes an overbroad agreement that infringes on the First Amendment rights of both government employees and the press, representing “a grave affront to our system of free expression,” according to the clinic’s report, “Nondisclosure Agreements in the Trump White House,” released Oct. 20.

“The First Amendment enshrines a collective commitment to vibrant public debate on issues of governance,” the report states. “Allowing the White House to stymie damaging revelations for political purposes would subvert the standard of transparency to which we hold our democratically elected officials.”

First Amendment Fellow Tyler Valeska is the lead author of the analysis with Law School student co-authors Michael Mills, Melissa Muse and Anna Whistler.

Said Valeska: “We think the White House NDAs are unconstitutional in the vast majority of applications.”

Now commonplace in the private sector, corporate NDAs became widespread in Silicon Valley in the 1970s as a means to protect intellectual property, according to the report. They are often employed by political campaigns, including Trump’s and Hillary Clinton’s in 2016, and Trump has used them extensively in his businesses and personal life.

But contrary to public statements by some of his advisers, the researchers say, Trump is the first president to implement private sector-style secrecy agreements for White House staff, reportedly ranging from senior aides to interns.

“President Trump’s White House NDAs differ immensely from the practices of previous administrations,” they wrote.

Since the Eisenhower administration, “executive privilege” has protected deliberations between presidents and senior advisers to ensure candid discussion of sensitive matters.

Government employees and contractors granted access to classified information must sign Standard Form 312, agreeing not to disclose that information without authorization in the interest of national security.

But the Trump White House NDAs – instituted in 2017 in reaction to leaks – appear to go much further, the researchers say, banning disclosure of all “nonpublic, privileged and/or confidential information,” including any information about Trump’s businesses or family. They also apply indefinitely.

When classified material isn’t at issue, First Amendment jurisprudence generally prohibits prior restraints on speech and government discrimination against speech based on its content or viewpoint. Any such infringements must pass strict legal scrutiny, according to the analysis.

That means the White House NDAs must serve a compelling government interest and be narrowly tailored. Instead, the authors say, the NDAs are “remarkably broad” in scope and the government has “no substantial interest” in hiding information embarrassing to the president.

“A former government official challenging the constitutionality of a White House NDA would have a strong case,” the report states.

Prohibiting government employees’ speech about nonclassified information also infringes on the rights of the press to gather information and receive it from willing sources, the authors argue.

“This is basic First Amendment theory, that for democracy to function properly you need to know what your government is doing in order to inform opinions about whether or not they’re doing it well,” Valeska said. “The primary way that we get that information is through the press via government sources.”

The Wolkoff case, the authors concluded, represents a “line in the sand,” with the Justice Department presenting weak legal arguments that the courts and future administrations should reject.

“Should the government prevail, the speech rights of wide swaths of future executive branch employees would be jeopardized,” the report says. “And the free flow of information that drives our democracy would be severely inhibited.”

UGA clinic files amicus brief arguing ‘false information’ law chills journalists

Note: A version of this post originally appeared on the University of Georgia First Amendment Clinic’s website.

On August 13, the University of Georgia First Amendment Clinic, in collaboration with PEN American Center, Inc., filed an amicus brief in Puerto Rico’s federal district court arguing that a recently enacted “false information” law chills journalists from reporting on public emergencies and burdens the public’s First Amendment interest in receiving information from the press.

Amicus Brief – Filed 08.13.20

Puerto Rico’s law, passed in April and amended in July, imposes six months’ jail time and/or a $5,000 fine for disseminating knowingly false information in the context of a “warning or false alarm” or if it creates “imminent risk” of harm. As the law does not define these terms and includes no safe harbor provisions, it creates a credible threat of prosecution for reporters and news media working to inform the public about rapidly evolving situations during state-declared emergencies. Internationally, statutes which criminalize false
or misleading news have become tools for suppressing legitimate reporting and citizen dissent. Puerto Rico’s law similarly provides a powerful tool for punishing news reporting and other speech that the government disfavors.

“Such broad discretion on the part of government to retaliate against its critics is particularly chilling to members of the press and their publishers who serve the essential role of shining light on state action, including governmental ineptitude, corruption or abuse,” the brief reads. Because of this law, “journalists, publishers, and their sources wishing to avoid arrest or prosecution will necessarily refrain from contributing to the public debate on any number of matters of public concern during a state-declared emergency or disaster, including criticizing the government or speaking counter to government narratives.”

The brief further argues that the chilling effect of the law “impedes the ability of the press to perform its ‘essential role’ of informing the public . . . This, in turn, inhibits the free flow of information upon which the public relies in exercising their own First Amendment rights and significantly hinders their ability to hold their government accountable or to bring about lawful change.”

The government defendants opposed the filing of the amicus brief but were overruled by the Puerto Rico district court, which accepted the brief for consideration.

Opposition to Amicus Brief
Amici’s Reply in Support of Brief

Clinic Fellow Samantha Hamilton and law student Jeffrey Murphy contributed to the brief written by Clinic Director Clare Norins and PEN America’s Nora Benavidez, and filed by local counsel in Puerto Rico.